Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkiler

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Türk kamu bürokrasisinde gelenekçilik ve modernleşme
(Thesis (Assoc. Prof.) - Bogazici University. Faculty of Graduate School in Social Sciences, 1975., 1975.) Heper, Metin.
Parlamenter demokrasilerde koalisyon hükümetleri
(Thesis (Assoc. Prof.)- Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1977., 1977.) Sayarı, Sabri.
The second economic congress of Turkey: 1948-Istanbul
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1983., 1983) Çabuklu, Yaşar.; Parla, Taha,
Egypt, Arab solidarity and establishing a common front against Israel 1950-1967
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Science, 1983., 1983.) Nalcıoğlu, Cem Mahmut Turgut.; Öke, Kemal,
One-party regime in Turkey and communications 1923-1946
(Thesis (Ph.D.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1984., 1984.) Öcal, Hakkı.
Fear, deterrence and technological advancement: |the reasons for the nuclear arms race and the failure of nuclear arms control
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1985., 1985.) Tombul, Süleyman.; Ergüder, Üstün.
An evaluation and an analysis of the 1974 constitution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1985., 1985.) Akbulut, Hakan Gürsel.; Öke, Kemal,
An analysis of the institutionalization of the self-management in Yugoslav economic system
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1986., 1986.) Süloğlu, Ayşe Güvenç.
An evaluation of the emergence of nonalignment in the context of Indian and Yugoslav foreign policies
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1986., 1986.) Özcan, Gencer.; Gök, Mehmet.
The impacts of alternative Weltanschauungs on political theories :|a comparison of tawhid and ontological proximity
(Thesis (Ph.D.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1990., 1990.) Davutoğlu, Ahmet, 1959-; Mardin, Şerif,
International migration and structural changes in the international political system
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 1993., 1993.) Tellal, Erel.; Abadan-Unat, Nermin,
Contested waters of the Middle East
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1995., 1995.) Sökmen, Aşkım İ.; Kut, Gün.
The Middle East which is one of the most unstable regions In the world has encountered a new reason for conflict in recent years: Water. The accelerating population, expanding agriculture, in d ustrializa tion, and high er Ii ving stand ard s have led to the competition over the inadequate water resources. The existing political hostility and insufficient water to satisfy human needs among all the nations of the Middle East heightens tensions between haves and have-nots. In addition, the international law is yet to be developed in this respect. The absence of binding international law puts strains on reaching the solution to the problem. There are three major international flvers In the Middle East which have caused water allocation difficulties. These are the Jordan, the Nile and the Tigris-Euphrates. All of them are characterised by having parts of their watersheds in different countries. The countries in that regIon are bound by common flvers and aquifers. This common usage produces a water competition between upstream-downstream states. In addition, there are inadequate water resources. The water problem of the Middle East increased considerably after Turkey's initiation of the Atatiirk Dam on the Euphrates. The conflictual aspects of the water problem and the possible water war scenarios were emphasized in many western publications. As different causes of conflict and instability are related to each other, to reach a comprehensive and permanent solution at the regional base do not appear to be easy. Approaches to politics and diplomacy are dominated by a mentality of zero-sum games. At the moment, first of all Palestinian and Jordan, then the Arab countries have begun to negotiate with Israel In the maIn conflicting Issues such as territory. In connection with the created common ground, the optimal utilization of water resources and the increase of existing resource are the concrete steps towards the resolution of the problem.
Nationalism and the disintegration of multi-ethnic federations in post-communist eastern Europe: |the case of Czechoslovakia
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1995., 1995.) Bodur, Marella.; Winrow, Gareth M.
Since its foundation in 1918 Czechoslovakia had tried to sol ve the problems created by the association of the two different ethnic groups, namely Czechs and Slovaks. Policies pursued during the interwar and communist periods to achieve national integration and unity failed and ethnic tensions between the Czech and Slovaks dominated the political agenda in the post-communist Czechoslovakia until the eventual partition of the state. This study looks at the development of the Czech-Slovak relations during the interwar, communist and post-communist periods. Since the dissolution of Czechoslovakia was to a large extent the outcome of the rise of the long- suppressed nationalist tension, the studies on nationalism are also critically examined with the aim of building a conceptual and theoretical framework. Marxist approaches to national problem are analyzed to better comprehend and evaluate the strategies adopted during the communist period, including the federal structure, to deal with the national question. In addition to the ethnic conflict, political, structural and economic factors, which acted as catalysts in the break-up of the state, are also given consideration. In this study, it is argued that the disintegration of the Czechoslovakia was to a significant extent the result of the differences in views and objectives of the Czechs and Slovaks which reflect historical differences in levels of development, cultural traditions and political experiences of the two groups.
The impact of Turkey's natiolistic culture on Turkish foreign policymaking as observed in Turkey's relations with the central Asian Turkic Republics
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1995., 1995.) Mersin Alıcı, Didem.; Winrow, Gareth M.
The emergence of independent Turkic states in former Soviet Central Asia and Azerbaijan has triggered off the latent Turkish nationalistic culture in Turkey. Indeed, it has been lying dormant since the last days of the Ottoman Empire. In this thesis, the existence of a latent undercurrent of extreme Turkish nationalism has been related to the nature of the particular model of the national identity building adopted by the Turkish intelligentsia. The incompatible combination of Anthony D. Smith's Western/civic-territorial and non-Western/ethnic models constituted the Turkish framework of the nation. In Smith's ethnic model of the nation, there is an overe mphasis on the mythical, historical, and linguistic traditions of the community. Genealogy assumes a special importance in this non-Western conception of the nation. The Western type, on the other hand, underlines the existence of a common civic-legal ideology, and an historic homeland. In this thesis, the mythical aspects of some of the important tools employed by the elites iil transforming the Ottoman Empire to the modern Turkish nation have been examined. These national myths have been decomposed by using Roland Barthes's theory on the nature of mythologies. Barthes conceived of myths as the outcome of the association between a signifier and a signified. He further emphasized the two-level semiological system underlying every mythical speech. The message conveyed by the myth operates on the plane of language- the immediate, surface meaning , and the plane of myth the distortion of the surface meaning. The combination of Barthes's views on mythologies with Smith's conception of the nation has demonstrated that the overreliance on mythical ele ments in the initial phase of the Turkish nation-b uilding process has unwittingly nourished a latent stream of pan-Turkism. The pan-Turkist attitude which used to have negative implications has, however, assumed a relatively positive connotation at present. Its claim for a political-geographical unity of all the Turkic peoples has been replaced by a yearning for Turkic cultural unity. The factors that have paved the way to the current popularization of cultural panTurkism will be analyzed with regard to Turkey's relations with the Turkic republics in post-Soviet Central Asia and Azerbaijan. The hypothesis that Turkey might be intending to establish and lead a prospective Turkic culture area has been studied in this context. It has been concluded that while the Ministries of Education and Culture tend to form their policies in a cultural pan-Turkist line, this would not seem to be the policy pursued by Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Immanuel Kant's philosophical-anthropological approach to international relations: |freedom, equality and human rights within constitutional and international legality
(Thesis (Ph.D.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1996., 1996.) Sinirlioğlu, Feridun Hadi.; Parla, Taha,
This dissertation attempts to challenge the axiomatic separation and isolation of the international from the domestic politics through the. medium of Kant. In this context, the "republican constitutionalism with a cosmopolitan intent" appears as the underlying concept. In a critical dialogue with Kant, this study tries to show why his position with respect to the "international relations" is directly locked into his critical philosophy as a whole. Thus, it demonstrates that Kant's approach to "international relations" provides us with a theoretical framework which considers "domestic" as well as "international" as interdependent parts of a cosmopolitan whole. The praxis-oriented, forward-looking conception of history together with a theoretical humanism lays down the foundations for a novel approach to the international relations theory, which combines morality with legality through politics.
Effects of the media on public opinion: |the news coverage of three French newspapers during the completion of the EU-Turkey Customs Union
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Institute of Sociaal Sciences, 1997., 1997.) Danacı, Özlem.; Toprak, Binnaz.
The aIm of this study is to investigate the position of three French newspapers, namely Le Figaro, Le Monde and Liberation, over the completion process of the EU-Turkey Customs Union and to see what kind of a position or image was attached to Turkey within the general framework of Turkey-EU relations. The study begins with an overvIew of the basic concepts such as the relationship between the media and public opinion as well as the general Turkey-EU relations until the conclusion of the Customs Union in 1996. In the second part, the study continues with the presentation of the research and the findings. The main hypothesis of the study is that the French press, represented by three French dailies, would attribute a favourable image to Turkey during the completion of the EU-Turkey Customs Union by underlining favourable changes in Turkish domestic politics rather than her shortcomings for becoming a partner of the European countries. Related to this, the French public opinion would become more favourable concerning the general Turkey-EU relations and Turkish membership to the EU. The results showed that the French press had in fact a favourable attitude towards Turkey. However, it continued to underline the shortcomings of Turkey, especially human rights violations, inadequate democratization and repression of minorities.
Nezihe Muhiddin: |bir Osmanlı-Türk kadın hakları savunucusu
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1998., 1998.) Zihnioğlu, Yaprak.; Arat, Yeşim,
Bu çalışmada, Nezihe Muhiddin'in düşünceleri ve etkinlikleri incelenerek, ülkemizde 1934'de kadınlara siyasal hakların Kemalistler tarafindan verilmesinden önce, kadınların siyasal haklarını almak üzere harekete geçtikleri sergileniyor. Şimdiye değin sosyal bilimler alanında kadınların haklarının Kemalistler tarafindan verildigi ve bu hakları için mücadele etmedikleri ileri sürüldü. Bu tez, Nezihe Muhiddin'in başlattığı etkinliklerle kadınların, siyasal haklar da dahil olmak üzere tüm haklar ve tam eşitlik için mücadele ettiklerini göstermeyi amaçlıyor. Ancak kadınların bu mücadeleleri bastırıldı ve Nezihe Muhiddin susturuldu. Bunun sonucu oiarak Kemalistler "kadınlara haklarını biz verdik, onlar mucadele etmediler" iddiasını, kadın tarihini yeniden yazarak bugüne değin sürdürebildiler.
Patterns of political participation in post-1980 Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1998., 1998.) Zenginkuzucu, Dikran Migirdiç.; Çarkoğlu, Ali,
This study analyses the socio-economic dynamics of political participation in Turkey after 1980 and, in this context, tests the hypothesis of the socio-economic mobilisation theory. The project is an investigation of the question of "how the socioeconomic development affects political participation in conditions of post-1980 Turkey?" and its focus is on the society rather than the person. The study is based on statistical interpretation of the aggregate level data on socio-economic indicators. The data are an~lysed from a geographical perspective. The results underline several important conclusions. First, they support the findings of previous stlldies on political participation in pre-1980 Turkey, and thus demonstrate that the socio-economic developments in Turkey after 1980 have no specific effect on the patterns of political participation. Second, they show that the three types of elections in Turkey, namely general elections, referendums and municipal elections, have different socio-economic dynamics of their own. Finally, the results suggest that regional differences play an important role in political participation in Turkey: the east of Turkey shows significantly lower rates of participation in elections as well as referendums.
Germany's commitment to and impact on European integration: |continuity or change?
(Thesis (Ph.D.)- Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1998., 1998.) Kaiser, Bianca.; Avcı, Gamze.
This study examines whether, and to what extent, united Germany's commitment to and impact on European integration has changed. A cO)llparative analysis over time is undertaken by contrasting West Germany's European policy with that of united Germany. Special importance is attributed to political parties and public opinion. Both influence the shaping of European policy, that occupies a position in-between foreign policy and domestic policy, because the European Union is not only an arrangement between nation-states, but affects individual citizens directly. The process of German unification, Germany's new foreign policy and Germany's impact on European integration are studied for indications of Germany's alleged new "assertiveness". Our main finding is that the commitment of German political parties to European integration has not decreased, but even increased. However, Germany's foreign policy has shifted towards "benign" realism, and its European policy has become more . pragmatic due to new challenges in the international environment. United Germany's influence in the European Union has increased, and is, at the same time, decreasing as Germany is pushing for more supranational decision-making. The "permissive consensus" of the German public is eroding due to the changed nature of the European Union that has started to confer more rights and duties on individual citizens since the Maastricht Treaty. Notwithstanding certain changes, Germany's basic consensus on European integration continues to exist. As a trading state, the country can best ensure its interests in a peaceful and cooperative environment and considers European integration as the best tool to prevent history from repeating itself.|Keyword: Germany - European Integration - German Unification - Political Parties - Public Opinion.
Nezihe Muhiddin: |an Ottoman Turkish women's rights defender
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute of Social Sciences, 1998., 1998.) Zihnioğlu, Yaprak.; Arat, Yeşim,
This thesis has attempted to show through a study of Nezihe Muhiddin and her works that women sought their political rights before they were granted them in 1934. It has long been claimed that women were given their rights by the Kemalists and that they did not have to fight for them. This study aimed to show that through the initiative of Nezihe Muhiddin, women did fight for their rights including political rights and sought full equality. Women's struggle was suppressed, Nezihe Muhiddin was silenced and the founding fathers could claim a tabula rasa -over which they could rewrite women's history as the granters of woman's rights.

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