Uluslararası İlişkiler: Türkiye, Avrupa ve Orta Doğu

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A new wave of migration from Turkey:|An exploration of driving forces
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2019., 2019.) Akpınar, Elif.; Kadirbeyoğlu, Zeynep.
Migration is a recurring topic throughout history, caused by different factors at different times, and has been spotlighted by different disciplines like sociology, economics, international relations, and psychology. The term “migration” includes a number of related aspects, from the decision to migrate through the integration (or non-integration) process and even further. There is a huge literature encompassing the theoretical framework and historical data of migration. Migration has always been embedded in Turkey’s history, though the reasons for moving, groups of people who move and destinations have changed over time. Starting with the establishment of the Turkish Republic, national and international movements have helped to shape the country. Almost every decade has had its own migration pattern, formed by various micro- and macro- level determinants. For the last few years, international migration has again become a popular topic among Turkish society. Numbers and destinations are publicized via statistics, the reasons and motivations behind this phenomenon are intensely discussed. This thesis aims to contribute to this literature by suggesting a few factors that are related to willingness to migrate, making use of a survey completed in 2018.
An analysis of the responsibility to protect in relation to sovereignty and power
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2021., 2021.) Kar, Cem Oğuz.; Kut, Gün.
This study aims to analyze the United Nations’ (UN’s) concept of Responsibility to Protect by relating it to sovereignty and power in international relations. The concept discusses the limits of sovereignty in cases of atrocities. However, the concept’s practice has conditions for the five permanent members of the Security Council that include not using their veto power. The roles and involvements of these five states in the concept, and the issues surrounding the concept are decisive. They illustrate the state’s influence on international structure and principles. In this case, the sovereignty is related to responsibility as concept describes while decisions surrounding a situation are made by sovereign states. Thus, the concept faces differences in principle and in practice. The mission of preventing atrocities and understanding sovereignty as a responsibility in this perspective is shaping actions. The five permanent members of the Security Council determine military interventions by using the argument of the concept unilaterally, it will be detailed in the last chapter. However, these actions also include the interests of the five states, and while using the reasoning of the concept, these actions have also caused atrocities. In these cases, changes in the balance of international power are decisive in the practice of the concept. The Responsibility to Protect concept includes remarkable missions for humanity, however, practicing of the concept relies on sovereign state actions and it includes power dynamics.
Between Europeanization and transactionalism :|the EU Turkey statement and its impact on EU-Turkey relations
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Demircan, Ozan Ertan.; Akan, Murat.; Bertaux, Sandrine.
The main goal of this study is to understand the nature of the EU Turkey statement, how it regulates migratory as well as non-migratory areas of cooperation between the European Union and Turkey, and how the statement shapes overall EU-Turkey relations nowadays. One of the main reasons for the conclusion of the EU Turkey statement is the growing externalization as well as the increased securitization of the EU’s migration policies. In this context, the thesis first will analyze the development of the European Union’s migration policies and its tools. After this, the thesis will show that, unlike the EU, the most important reason for the conclusion of the EU Turkey statement for Turkey was not the country’s evolving migration policy, but a rational strategy for migratory and non-migratory areas of cooperation, in the context of stalled accession negotiations. After this overview, the statement will be assessed and analyzed within the scope of its successes and failures. This thesis argues that the EU Turkey statement, while it was initially conceived as a migration tool, it has also accelerated a policy shift from a norms-based approach to a transactional one, increased the supremacy of inter governmentalism over supranationalism in framing EU-Turkey relations, and de facto replaced existing cooperation frameworks between the EU and Turkey.
Can blockchain improve election security? a comparative analysis of emerging blockchain e-voting systems
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Jakus, Julia Madison.; Kadirbeyoğlu, Zeynep.
This research investigates whether blockchain can improve election security by increasing transparency in the electoral cycle’s voting and vote tabulation phases. Statistically declining perceptions of trust in electoral institutions, rising populist rhetoric, and deepening polarization are stress-testing democratic infrastructure to the extent that a worldwide exploration for more viable alternative voting methods is underway. Although emerging blockchain e-voting systems may be the indirect product of contemporary electoral insecurity, it is another question whether they are ready for full-scale implementation. Thus, this manuscript qualitatively investigates and compares five ongoing projects worldwide based in Estonia, Russia, Switzerland, Japan, and the United States. What unique opportunity costs and policy voids surround these emerging technological infrastructures and their data management systems? Each pilot project is reviewed with a nod to the Cybersecurity Framework (CSF) Election Security Profile developed by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) and the Election Security Framework (ESF) standards.
Digital populism in the 2016 Republican presidential primaries :|a textual analysis of candidates’ twitter communication
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Burchill, Scout Naohman.; Taraktaş, Başak.
To better understand the phenomena of populism, in both its uncanny relationship with social media and its complicated, often fractious relationship with democracy, the Twitter timelines of Republican presidential candidates in the 2016 United States elections were analyzed. Two questions were posed: Firstly, do Republican outsider, or challenger, candidates employ more populist language than those with closer proximity to power? And secondly, how do candidates vary in their framing of populist language? In answering these two research questions, a methodological approach was employed, incorporating automated dictionary-based analysis in tandem with n-gram analysis, that endeavors to let the language of populism speak for itself. It was found that outsider candidates, or those further from the traditional centers and pathways to power employ more populist appeals than established, insider candidates. Furthermore, n-gram analysis of populist terms revealed nuanced variations in the types of populist appeals employed by both insider and outsider candidates and revealed Twitter to be an extension of the campaign arena, albeit one far more amenable to populist appeals than traditional media settings. In general, populist communication was found to be more than just a strategy for bolstering democratic legitimacy, but an innate feature of the democratic process.
Eurasianism and contemporary foreign policy in Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2018., 2018.) Herlbauer, Tobias.; Özbek, Nadir.
Describing particular Turkish foreign policy decisions or certain actors within Turkey's political environment as Eurasianist is a trend observable in journals, newspapers and speeches. There are many speculations about the power of Eurasianists within the Turkish state apparatus and especially the Turkish Anned Forces. After officers and politicians who are allegedly linked to Eurasianist thought have been purged during the Ergenekon, Sledgehanm1er and Izmir spy cases, many of them returned to their posts after the abortive coup of July 15, 2016. Turkish Eurasianists and their ties to Russian Eurasianists and far-right politicians, such as Alexander Dugin and Vladimir Zhirinovsky are criticized in one way or another in Turkish media and academic works. What is astounding here is the fact that the political background of some Turkish Eurasianists is communism or left-wing nationalism with references to the nationalism of the founding father of modem Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atattirk. Therefore the definition of Eurasianism in Turkey and its theoretical background are highly discussed and contemporary, crucial topics in Turkish politics. The question ofwhat actually lies behind the tenn of"Turkish Eurasianism" is the aim of this thesis. Conducting interviews with several proponents and insiders will give valuable insight into the aims, approaches and underlying theories of Turkish Eurasianists. For this reason exploratory, qualitative interviews will be conducted with elites to focus on foreign policy approaches between 2008 and 2018 and the hist01ical background of particular actors within the Eurasianist environJnent. Providing both a contemporary analysis of foreign policy and the historical relations will lead to a better understanding of Turkish foreign policy.
Gender, violence and social norms in Turkish psychological dramas
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Nirun, Yasemin Bahloul.; Kaynak, Selcan.
TV series have been an important part of the Turkish economy for the last two decades. Following the COVID-19 pandemic, the psychological dramas suddenly took over the television. The psychiatrist, writer and producer Gülseren Budayıcıoğlu produced four TV series based on her own books, in which she wrote about the lives of her patients. One of these series, named the Red Room (Kırmızı Oda), is a drama that is filmed in a psychiatry room that is almost an exact replica of Gülseren Budayıcıoğlu’s therapy room. The series became an extreme success story due to its high ratings and viewing records. The production team claims that their mission is to stop the violence with this carefully structured show, which also received appreciation and support from the government institutions. This thesis does not focus on the psychological reasons behind the increased attention of the audience; instead it aims to analyze the sociological and political positioning of the popular dramas within the dynamics of the current Turkish media. Considering the amount of influence and power that the current government has on the structure of the Turkish media, the strong ideologies embedded in the series towards gender, violence, society, mental illness and most importantly the protection of the family, are far from coincidental. This thesis aims to analyze the social codes that are embedded and portrayed in the Red Room based on gender, violence and family to further understand the presentation of the ideologies in power through the current media in Turkey.
Governmental discourse, moral regulation and democratic legitimation :|the case of Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2021., 2021.) Sakarya, Ayşe Bengisu.; Yağcı, Alper.
This thesis aims to demonstrate the substantial regulatory impact of the governmental discourse of the Justice and Development Party (JDP). Despite the fact that JDP had exhibited a model for the accommodation of Islamic discourses and actors in democratic structures, about a decade after its coming to power, JDP increasingly lost ground in its compliance with the democratic norms and values. JDP’s compliance with the secular notions of Turkish government, however, presented a rather complex picture. While the party preserved its moderate character by refraining from explicitly overturning secular structures as feared, it gradually assumed an authoritarian moralizing character on the discursive level and utilized this increasing authority to thwart and diminish the secular norms. The hegemonic effect of JDP’s domineering moral leadership often left little need for bureaucratic and legal regulatory reforms on religious affairs. In order to understand the moralizing impact of JDP discourse, three distinct topics concerning especially the citizens’ bodily autonomy is analyzed. The governmental discourse on these topics exemplify how separate calls for democratic demands are deliberated differently as the governmental authority decides upon which democratic demands for rights and freedoms could be considered morally legitimate. Such moralizing claims when produced by the governmental actors with disproportionate discursive influence bring about spiraling hegemonic social structures of regulation.
Iranian soft power in Azerbaijan and the second Karabakh war
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Imanzade, Anar.; Kut, Gün.
The various dimensions of Azerbaijan-Iran relations contain certain mechanisms of influence that the two states use against one another. One of these mechanisms is the projection of soft power by Iran onto Azerbaijan. This thesis focuses on the projection of soft power by the Islamic Republic in Azerbaijan through analyzing the available literature. Furthermore, the study makes a contribution to the literature by providing new knowledge about different kinds of Iranian soft power, which are categorized as religious and non-religious. Both methods of Iran’s soft power projection are explored in detail and possible transformations of Iranian soft power in the context of shifting balance of power in the region after the Second Karabakh War at the end of 2020 are examined. To analyze Iranian soft power in Azerbaijan and the impact of the Second Karabakh War, this research uses two methods: expert interview and content analysis. Thus, it is intended that the thesis will give valuable insights into Azerbaijan-Iran relations and the use of soft power by the Islamic Republic while taking into consideration the consequences of the new balance of power in the region following the Second Karabakh War.
Re-opening of Halki Theological School :|between politics, religion and international relations
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2021., 2021.) Erdal, Cenk.; Türem, Ziya Umut.
Halki Theological School (“HTS”) had educated top tier Orthodox priests including the current Greek Orthodox Patriarch Bartholomew, between the years of 1844 – 1971 under the authority of Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of the Phanar. The institution remains closed to higher education since 1971 after a Constitutional Court decision annulled associated articles of Private Education Institutions Law. Since then, the issue has been discussed widely and has been under the scrutiny of scholars. This thesis explores the issue by discussing the role of religion in international relations and continues with the motives and rationales behind various policies on re-opening of the HTS from the perspectives of the state and the Greek Orthodox minority. The study focuses on the 2002-2019 period, which has witnessed both very favorable and equally unfavorable approaches to the issue and the question of what caused these significant swings is the main question researched in this thesis. The endeavor by actors associated with the HTS is another aspect that is explored in this thesis. The rapprochement with the EU and the following democratization and human rights improvements had increased the possibility of a viable solution to the HTS case, however the succeeding recovery in Turkey’s economic power resulted in its ability to pursue more independent and authoritarian policies and caused the stalemate to remain unresolved.
Rethinking the transformation of liberal democracies :|can participatory budgeting deepen democracy?
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2020., 2020.) Sekizkardeş, Ecem.; Kadirbeyoğlu, Zeynep.
Democracy is a vast concept that is almost like a living organism since it evolves and changes throughout history and various experiences. As for nowadays, it has started to be considered as liberal democracy due to the impact of Western societies to world politics. However, this mainstream concept has several problems. The criticisms of liberal democracies lie at the heart of this research study. The representation crisis will be the focus among all the criticisms. The possible transformation of liberal democracies towards a more deepened and deliberative model will be examined. This research recruits Habermas’s deliberative democracy model and examines if this model can be a guideline at transforming the liberal democracies. However, deliberative democracy receives many criticisms for being an abstract and theoretical concept rather than a concrete one. This thesis examines whether participatory budgeting, that was born as a public administration model in Latin America in the late 1980s, can be seen as a more concrete and institutionalized version of deliberative democracy. Different examples of participatory budgeting are presented with their success and failure stories, commonalities, and differences. The aim is to discuss the linkage between participatory budgeting and the deepening of democracy.
Shifting opportunities :|comparing the dynamics of 2014 and 2017 Venezuelan protests
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Kurtuluş, Beyza.; Arslanalp, Mert.
This thesis explores the 2014 and 2017 street protests in Venezuela in accordance with the opposition elites and the Maduro government's approach to the street protests. For this review, answers were sought to the following questions: How can the repertoires and strategies of opposition and repression of the government actors to the 2014 and 2017 protests be explained? Which changes and continuities were observed in the approaches of these actors? What could be the motive behind the actor’s approaches to the protest cycle? In response to these questions, the hypothesis argues that the motive behind the change and continuity in the approaches of the opposition and government to protests is political opportunity. The variability in political opportunities, the emergence of new opportunities, the end of some determines the approach of each party to the protest cycle. At the same time, the actors were more mechanically treated in the social science literature, but according to the framework of the paper, these political opportunities were also added to the actors' learning practice, and these changes were explained by agency approach. Accordingly, the thesis presents a comparison both in terms of continuity and the change in the behavior of the contention parties from 2014 to 2017 and offers the opportunity to compare how these actors adapted and responded to the changes in each other's behaviors.
Syrian refugee policy in Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon: A comparative study
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2018., 2018.) Koç, Çağan.; Çınar, Dilek.
Millions of civilians have fled their country since the start of the conflict in Syria in 2011 and the majority of the externally displaced Syrians have sought refuge in neighboring countries. Many of these refugees, who often had to start their lives from the scratch in these host nations, continue to face to a wide range of issues. This thesis aims to investigate the various policies toward Syrian civilians in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon, the three countries that are hosting the highest number of refugees. The research assesses the policy responses of these countries in regards to the basic needs and socioeconomic integration of the refugees, such as shelter, food, healthcare, employment, education and social integration. In order to evaluate the effectiveness of the nations’ policies and the willingness of the host governments to alleviate the crisis, the thesis gauges the current state of the refugees in each area through a set of indicators and attempts to determine whether contexts of reception in those areas are positive, neutral or negative. The roles the government, local community and international organizations play in assisting the Syrian refugees are scrutinized individually for all three countries. The thesis demonstrates that the policy responses of each country has a lot of room for improvement in order to ameliorate the conditions of the refugees, who are struggling to make ends meet.
Syrian refugees and the politics of migration in Europe :|an ontological security perspective
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2019., 2019.) Albayrak, Bahar.; Türem, Ziya Umut.
This thesis examines the effects of the mass arrival of Syrian refugees to European politics by using the concept of ontological security. It focuses on the identity dimension of the issue by depicting the relationship between ontological security and the anti-refugee discourse and policies of states. The main argument of the thesis is as follows: the reason for the rise of anti-refugee discourse and the policies of exclusion of refugees is the sense of disruption in ontological security. Two states, Germany and Hungary, are used as case studies within the period between 2015 and 2017. The research collects data from sources through the literature based on the concept of ontological security to establish the theoretical framework of the thesis; media outlets to make a discourse analysis of declarations, interviews and party programs of political actors and; the examination of legal documents and political developments to determine the exclusion methods of states. In the discursive realm, the thesis identifies three main themes in the discourse producing process in case countries. In the exclusionary realm, the thesis examines two types of exclusion: physical and legal. The thesis intends to indicate that the ontological insecurity arising from the mass arrival of Syrian refugees brings the same conclusion even in two different countries, Hungary and Germany: anti-refugee discourse and policies.
The diffusion of Malcolm X as a political symbol among Turkish islamists
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2020., 2020.) Bishku-Aykul, Jeffrey Howard.; Arslanalp, Mert.
This thesis investigates the influence of Malcolm X on contemporary Turkish Islamism. It applies a social movement theory framework to understand the role Turkish Islamist newspaper columnists have played in interpreting and spreading Malcolm X’s image and ideas. A discourse analysis is applied to 242 columns published in three Turkish Islamist newspapers between 1996 and 2019 to identify key themes in the literature. This study argues that Malcolm X’s anti-colonial and pan-Islamist rhetoric has aided in his adoption as a political symbol by Turkish Islamists. Furthermore, it finds that by adopting Malcolm X as a political symbol, Turkish Islamists have selectively emphasized certain elements of the Black nationalist’s message. This study contributes to the field of English-language American studies by closely examining how Malcolm X is understood in contemporary Turkey. It also contributes to social movement theory by analyzing Malcolm X’s interpretation in Turkey as a case study.
The economic and political rationales of banking mergers and acquisitions in MENA after the Arab spring
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2017., 2017.) Tavşanlı, Melike Betül.; Işık, Mehtap.
This thesis explores the motives and rationales behind the banking mergers and acquisitions made in Middle East North Africa (MENA) region by the state-owned Gulf banks after the Arab Spring. There are nine banking acquisition cases made in this period and all of them are subject of this study. Its aim is to figure out whether these acquisitions made for political reasons. To test, first the acquisition cases are examined in three levels in order to see if the investments make sense economically. These three levels study the bank-specific rationales, banking-specific rationales and country-specific rationales. If the acquisition decision cannot be explained in terms of economics, it might mean that there are political factors leading to cross-border banking investments. To find out, a state-level realist approach is utilized which links the investor country’s with the host country’s national interests. At this stage, the relationship between foreign direct investment and foreign policies is elaborated. This thesis is a contribution to the government’s usage of banks as political tool; yet its content is limited to MENA region and to the years between 2011 and 2015. It investigates nine banking acquisition cases and suggests that three of them hints political motives.
The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on refugee resettlement in Saint John, New Brunswick, Canada
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2021., 2021.) Marsters, Zoe Mae.; Çınar, Dilek.
The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has introduced new challenges to vulnerable populations globally. This is especially true in the case of refugees who have attempted to resettle since the disease’s outbreak. Refugee resettlement refers to the movement from a country of asylum to another for permanent residence. Research shows that during this process, refugees tend to face significant challenges, such as overcoming language and employment barriers, which ultimately lead to delays in integration. This thesis seeks to identify additional challenges during a pandemic. To test the hypothesis that the COVID-19 pandemic has introduced additional dimensions to existing challenges and has created new ones altogether in refugee resettlement, interviews were conducted. The research participants were divided into three groups, refugees, private sponsors, and those who facilitate resettlement in Saint John, New Brunswick, Canada. Thematic content analysis was used analyze responses by identifying patterns of experiences and observations. The results indicate that the COVID-19 pandemic not only made existing challenges increasingly difficult for refugees to overcome, but also highlighted new challenges. Specifically, social distancing measures, a weak labour market, and increasing physical and mental health needs impacted refugees’ abilities to overcome language and employment barriers. The pandemic also presented new challenges in achieving social cohesion between newcomers and locals, in accessing physical and mental health services, and in physically relocating.
The politics of civic identity in Turkey: 2011–2017
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2019., 2019.) Fitzherbert, Yvo.; Akan, Murat.
When the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) succeeded in gaining significant support amongst the non-Kurdish electorate in the June 2015 election, many believed Türkiyelileşme – the political strategy of appealing to the non-Kurdish electorate across Turkey through broad alliances with Turkish progressive movements – was the reason behind HDP’s success. Due to this, much literature tended to emphasise how HDP’s Türkiyelileşme discourse was a transformation from their more ethno-nationalist predecessor parties. Through a historical discursive analysis of pro-Kurdish political party activism since the 1960s until the emergence of the HDP, this thesis instead argues that the discourse displayed by Kurdish activists since the emergence of pro-Kurdish parties in the 1990s has always displayed a Türkiyelileşme discourse. Moreover, this thesis analyses different periods where pro-Kurdish parties have utilised a more ethno-nationalist discourse and periods characterised by a Türkiyelileşme agenda. While many have interrpreted pro-Kurdish activism as either ethno-nationalist or Türkiyelileşme, I argue that party activism is defined by both extremes. While the more inclusive Türkiyelileşme characterises pro-Kurdish party activism during periods of relative peace and stability, when state coercion is used against the party, pro-Kurdish activists tend to ‘return to their heartlands’ and utilise a more ethno-nationalist political stance. Thus, this thesis aims to draw links between the level of pressure asserted on pro Kurdish politics and the political strategy with which HDP and its predecessor parties have chosen to follow.
Urban integration of irregular Afghan migrants in İstanbul:|The case of the Yeni Mahalle neighborhood
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in the Social Sciences, 2019., 2019.) Yiğit Yazğan, İlknur.; Arslanalp, Mert.
The main subject of this thesis is the survival/urban integration strategies of the irregular Afghan migrants living in Yeni Mahalle neighborhood of Istanbul in the absence of both state assistance and NGOs services. The existing academic studies on local and urban aspects of the migrants’ integration—particularly the ones dealing with Afghan migrants’ integration to Istanbul—seem to be inadequate. The thesis will explore how these young and mostly bachelor Afghan migrants have settled in Yeni Mahalle, how they create a living space for themselves, how they are integrated into the working life, how they are solving their daily problems, and how they develop their survival strategies based on keeping appropriate distance with the natives. It will start with a literature review on the factors affecting the migrants’ integration to host societies in general, and will particularly concentrate on the factors that influence the migrants’ integration to the cities. It will also provide an analysis of personal experiences of Afghan migrants by using in-depth interviews (individually and in groups) with young men (between the age of 17 and 35) from Faryap Province of Afghanistan.
When do movements against femicide succeed? the cases of Mexico and Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences, 2022., 2022.) Aydın, Rana Elif.; Arslanalp, Mert.
Femicide refers to the killing of women because of their gender and is the deadliest form of violence against women. Data shows that it exists in every country around the world. While some of these countries may be deadlier for women than others, few stand out for their strong mobilization against the issue. In this thesis, I try to pinpoint when movements against femicide succeed by using the feminist and the subsequent antifemicide movements in Mexico and Turkey as my cases. Previous research shows that social movements have a higher chance of success in times and spaces where political opportunity structures exist. This thesis aims to clarify whether political opportunities have been conducive to the success of antifemicide movements. To test that hypothesis, I first trace the emergence of antifemicide movements in both cases through qualitative methods. While outlining these movements, I point out when these movements have achieved success based on the theory of political opportunities. Then, through a wide historic lens, I define what success means for a movement and the circumstances of the turning points that allow the movement the gain traction or achieve success. As a result, I find that antifemicide movements are compatible with the political opportunity paradigm, but only when an expanded definition of political opportunities is used. With that definition in place, I argue that political opportunities that present in various forms are conducive to the success of movements against femicide.

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