M.A. Theses

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The making of cultural field in Turkey and Syria in the 2010s
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2023., 2023) Zengin, Ersin.; Altuğ, Seda.
This thesis exam ines the field of cultural production in Turkey and Syria in the 2010s. Employing Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field of cultural production, this research delves into the primary actors, institutions, and factors that influence cultural production in Tu rkey and Syria , as well as the challenges and transformations faced by the field. Analyzing how so- cial crises influence the emergence and autonomy of the cultural produc- tion field in politically unstable settings, this study aims to consider how the field theory can be adapted and contextualized to address the re- gion's distinctive features and challenges adequately. This study also se- eks to comprehend the interplay between the cultural production field and the field of power by scrutinizing actors' habitus, along with their respective positions, roles, and strategies. Lastly, this thesis considers how the notion that the cultural production field inherently evolves towards autonomy might be affected by specific social and cultural con- ditions. This thesis is based on semi structured interviews conducted with actors engaged in cultural production field.
From empire to nation nation-state : Filibeli Ali Fehmi (1871- 1922) and Muvazene newspaper
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2023., 2023) Sabah Tüfekçi, Elif.; Öztan, Ramazan Hakkı.
This thesis provides the biography of Filibeli Ali Fehmi, a Young Turk from Bulga ria, and examines the first first-year issues of his Muvazene news- paper. When suspicions arose about Ali Fehmi's connections to the Young Turks, the Ottoman government terminated his official duties, forcing him to return to his hometown of Filibe, where he bega n publishing Muvazene in 1897. After the Russo Russo-Ottoman War (1877-1878), Muslims in Bulgaria, who were former subjects of the Ottoman Empire, had be- come citizens of the newly emerged Principality of Bulgaria. The Balkan Muslims sought to redefine the future of their community, and the Mus- lim intellectuals in particular believed that they could achieve a rejuve- nation through culture and politics. Ali Fehmi was an active participant who contributed to achieving these goals. This thesis demonstrates how Ali Feh Fehmi’s Muvazene newspaper engaged with its readers by addressing common problems and publicizing issues of corruption. This study also shows the pivotal role played by Ali Fehmi and his Muvazene newspaper in the establishment of the Young Turk ideology in Bu lgaria. Without at- tributing a single identity to Ali Fehmi, this thesis examines how Ali Fehmi was perceived differently by the Young Turks, the Bulgarian gov- ernment, and the Ottoman government, thereby acquiring a plural and indefinite identity in this co ntext. Ali Fehmi, taking advantage of the rel- ative freedom in Bulgaria, published his newspaper, which led to his sur- veillance by the Ottoman government via spies and its commissioner in BulgariaBulgaria. As a result of the escalating tension between Ali Fehmi and the Ottoman government, he was deported by the Bulgarian government in 1905. Afterward, he resided in Paris, Geneva, Egypt, and Afghanistan. The work also emphasizes that Ali Fehmi dedicated himself to the advance- ment and progress of Muslims and Turks, fi rst locally and then globally. Most of the primary sources used in this work are the Ottoman Archives and the first first-year issues of Muvazene . This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the Muslims in Bulgaria in general and the Young Turks in particular.
Patterns of factional strife in Greece and the Eastern Question : the story of Ioannis Velentzas (1821 1840)
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2023., 2023) Karapunar, Ahmet Talha.; Öztan, Ramazan Hakkı.
Th e p urpose of this t hesis is to investigate how regional networks of political patronage and violence within the Ottoman p rovincial admin- istration in the Peloponnese and Rumeli have adapted to the new politi- cal environment after 1821, and continued to dominate the p olitical do- main in Greece after its independen ce from the Ottoman Empire. Additionally, while aiming to show how the factions that have emerged during the Greek war of independence have been built on personal rela- tionships prior to 1821, this thesis also attempts to show how each of these factions in Greece became entangled with a specific European power, and thus, was indirectly influenced by the broader political devel- opments in post Vienna Congress Europe. This s tudy follows the partic- ular patron client relationship of the two Rumeliot men, Ioannis Ve- lentzas and Ioannis Kolettis throughout the years following the outbreak of the war of independence. The purpose is to explore how the two men have formed their alliance thanks to the violent circumstances p rovided by the war, the process that made Kolettis’s Rumeliot faction labelled as the French party, and ultimately to see how through his relationship with Kolettis, Velentzas’ irredentist foray in 1840 to Ottoman territories could be seen as a scheme desi gned to involve Greece into the politics of the Eastern Question.
The Young Turks and generational forces
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2023., 2023) Işık, Gözde.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
The thesis focuses on the "Young Turk generation," a term frequently employed in various contexts, and it examines the Young Turks’ generational consciousness primarily through analyzing their memoirs. This study argues that the Young Turks forti1ied the discourse on generational identity and established a foundational generational lexicon for subsequent generations to adopt. It is contended that educational growth has played a critical role in this generation's formation, reinforcing generational awareness and making a two-axis understanding of the concept of "generation" more prevalent. The thesis also explores the pragmatic yet high value that members of this generation placed on youth, and it examines maturity and seniority narratives within their memoirs to discuss the de- 1ining characteristics and boundaries of the Young Turk generation.
Faith-based diplomacy of Turkey : Diyanet in Africa
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2022., 2022) Kır, Bedirhan.; Babuna, Aydın, 1959- .
The relationship between reliğion and foreiğn policy is a complex and controversial topic that has received attention from various academic theories. However, there are relatively few studies on the role of reliğion in international relations. The purpose of this research is to examine the implementation of faith-based diplomacy in Turkish foreiğn policy, specifically focusinğ on the role of the Presidency of Reliğious Affairs (Diyanet) in Turkey's Africa policy. The research will analyze how reliğion has been used by the Turkish state in its relations with Africa, how non-official channels are involved in faith-based diplomacy, and the dynamics that influence the cooperation between NGOs and state institutions in Turkish foreiğn policy. To do this, the research will analyze literature on concepts such as soft power, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, and faith-based diplomacy, as well as the historical backğround of the relationship between Turkey and Africa. The research will also evaluate the official annual and reğional reports on the activities of Diyanet. The research aims to show that the activities of Diyanet can be seen as an example of faith-based diplomacy, and that Turkish faith based diplomacy has played a critical role in hiğhliğhtinğ Turkey's anti colonial history in Africa, which has helped to increase its attraction to the foreiğn public. The main arğument of this thesis is that Turkish faith based diplomacy differs from traditional faith- based diplomacy in some ways. While traditional faith-based diplomacy typically involves the state not actively participatinğ in the field, in the Turkish case there has been cooperation between non-official channels and state institutions.
On the roads : transportation and question of logistics during the National Struggle (1919-1922)
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2022., 2022) Acar, Uğurcan.; Öztan, Ramazan Hakkı.
This study presents a narrative on road and railway transportation in the years of the National Struggle regarding the transportation legacy from the Ottoman Empire to Anatolia. In addition to great technological revo lutions in the field of transportation in the 19th century, the state directly participated in road construction works during the Tanzimat period. Moreover, in this century, the transformation of the nature of war that necessitated the movement of more resources within the country in creased the importance of the transportation factor in the context of the war power. Financial and military difficulties in the last period of the Em pire prevented the formation of a developed transportation network within the country. Weapons and ammunition freight to the Western Front during the National Struggle took place under challenging condi tions and extraordinary measures.
Politics and space in Antakya (2011-2019)
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2022., 2022) Burgaç Taş, Selin.; Altuğ, Seda.
This thesis attempts to analyse the youth politics in the Armutlu neighbor hood, a predominantly Arab Alawi place in Hatay, between 2012 and 2015. Two pillars of the youth movement were the Syrian War (2011) and the Gezi Protests (2012). September 12, 2012, a pro-Assad demonstration was a break ing point for the Armutlu people and it immediately merged with the Antakya- Gezi movement. The Armutlu youth is the main actor in this anti-gov ernment protest. The political mobilization of the youth has generated a huge revision in their own Arab-Alawi identities as well asthe identity of the neigh borhood. Besides, it brought about the reconfiguration of the urban space in the neighbourhood. This thesis aims to bring the questions of identity, space and politics in an Alawi working- class neighborhood between 2012 and 2015. NOTE Keywords : Youth, Space and Place, Social Movements, Political Geography, Sect, Memory.
Sebilürreşad, caliphate, and islamic political thoüght düring the war of independence, 1918-1923
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2022., 2022) Öztürk, Fuat.; Kırlı, Cengiz.
This stüdy focüses on the role of Sebilürreşad in the War of Independence, in general terms. Accordingly, this stüdy ünearths the politico-intellectüal network aroünd Sebilürreşad, and sheds light on how and throügh which connections they were involved in the national resistance movement and their cooperation with the Ankara Government. Moreover, this stüdy con centrates on the articles and sermons, trying to ünderstand how the po litico-intellectüal circle of the joürnal reconceptüalized the caliphate in what contexts. This stüdy argües that Sebilürreşad was an integral part of the broad coalition formed aroünd the Grand National Assembly, and claims that the activities of the joürnal's politico- intellectüal circle in the War of Independence extended the boündaries of the "spiritüal sover eignty" of the Ankara Government. In addition, this stüdy reveals that, ünder the inflüence of the global üpheaval that took place after the First World War, Sebilürreşad’s intellectüals defended the alliance with the Bolsheviks and reconceptüalized the caliphate in the context of the awak ening of the East. Thüs, this stüdy both invites a more nüanced and mül tidimensional ünderstanding of the developments after the First World War and it sheds light on the limits of the idea of caliphate- centered Pan Islam in the War of Independence.
The representation of inter-class encounters in the art-house cinema of Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2022., 2022) Fidan, Ramazan.; Türem, Ziya Umut.
The theme of inter-class encounters became a siğnificant part of art-house movies in Turkey durinğ the 2010s. The New Cinema of Turkey refers to movies that emerğed durinğ the mid-1990s within neoliberal transformations that resulted in two distinct commercial and art-house film markets. The art-house movies of New Cinema involve the theme of inter-class encounters in various respects. Considered from a historical perspective, the complexity and siğnificance of inter-class encounters in creased since mid-1990s, especially after the 2010s. The chanğes are in terpreted based on Gilles Deleuze’s conceptualization of “modern politi cal cinema,” suğğestinğ it can be considered the development of an ethi cal attitude. An “ethics of encounters” contextualizes them in their social history, openinğ potentials for self-problematization and transformation by takinğ the ethical responsibility of one’s position within the social con text. It is arğued that the art- house movies of New Cinema involved this ethical perspective ğradually concerninğ the representation of inter class encounters. This process can be interpreted based on Turkey’s eco nomic, political, social, and cultural transformations. As the effects of ne oliberal transformations increased the precarity and wealth inequality and the political power reğime became authoritarian systematically, an ethical attitude towards the representation of inter-class encounters also became a siğnificant part of the art-house movies in the New Cinema of Turkey.
A Re-politicized history of Iranian transit migrants passing through Turkey in the 1980s
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Institute Atatürk for Modern Turkish History, 2008., 2008.) Jefroudi, Maral.; Kırlı Cengiz.
This study scrutinizes the experiences of Iranian transit migrants passing through Turkey in the 1980s, whose history is dehumanized and depoliticized in the reconstruction of the history of Turkey’s experience with transit migration. It is argued that extracting their stories for the sake of depicting a homogenized picture of Iranian transit migrants in the background disguises the conflicts, struggles, and strategies embedded in their lives in transit. It is also argued that their experiences of being in transit cannot be told without taking into account their pre-flight experiences and their subjective assessment of being a refugee. The present study focuses on Iranian transit migrants’ relations with the Turkish authorities, their perceptions of being in transit in Turkey, and the relations among the community of Iranians in transit. It is argued that the degree of political affiliation was an important factor in the way they experienced being a transit migrant. Through the case of the Iranian transit migrants passing through Turkey in the 1980s, this study aims to contribute to the literature that challenges the victimized portrait of refugee. The main sources of this thesis are oral narratives of Iranian refugees living in Sweden and Germany, as well as written and filmed narratives of or pertaining to Iranians passing through Turkey.
The circuitous politicization of Alevism: the affiliaton between the Alevis and the left politics (1960-1980)
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2008., 2008.) Ertan, Mehmet.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
This study scrutinizes the affiliation between the Alevis and the left-wing political movements within the context of the 1960s and 1970s. These years witnessed the dissolution of traditional Alevism, which had been based on rural/isolated life, as a result of urbanization. Turkey also experienced a rapid social and physical mobilization in these years. The social dynamics of Turkey in the 1960s and 1970s associated the dissolution of the archaic Alevism with the social mobilization of Turkey within the context of urbanization; therefore, the Alevis, who became more visible in the newly urbanizing environment, mainly remained a part of left-wing politics in that period. The left politics enabled Alevis to be integrated into the modern life and the centralized state apparatus during the dissolution process of traditional Alevism. In this regard, this thesis examines why Alevis politically moved towards the left movements politically during this time period. The affiliation between the Alevis and left wing movements is investigated in two dimensions. On the one hand, the Alevis’ relation with the Republican People’s Party on the basis of Alevis’ satisfaction with the secularist policies of the early Republican governments and the populist discourse of Bülent Ecevit are discussed. On the other hand, the affiliation between the Alevis and the radical socialist movements within the framework of the overlaps between the implications of nomadic characteristic of the archaic Alevism and the actual needs of the socialist movements of the era are examined. Moreover, the Unity Party of Turkey which addressed the Alevis indirectly and the Alevis’ indifference to the UPT are investigated while inspected the affiliation between the Alevis and left politics..
Power or the people: a comparison of the thoughts of Doğan Avcıoğlu and İdris Küçükömer regarding the intellectual climate of the 1960s
(Thesis (M.S.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2008., 2008.) Baş, Muhammed Fazıl.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
In the thesis, the thoughts of Dogan Avcıoglu and İdris Küçükömer are compared by focusing mainly on their most prominent works of Türkiye’nin Düzeni (1968) by Avcıoglu, and Düzenin Yabancılasması: Batılasma (1969) by Küçükömer. The 1960s which was as a period between two military interventions in Turkish politics in 1960 and 1971 were a very fruitful era for leftist thought and movements. This decade started as a quest for orientation and ended with various political strategies to seize the power which could not be implemented. This thesis compares the thoughts of those two contradicting intellectuals in order to shed light on those intellectual and political activities which can and actually must be evaluated also as important parts of the history of Turkish intellectual life. The thoughts of both intellectual are compared on three important issues which were conceived as critical for the discussion era in the 1960s. These three points are the discussions on the Ottoman social order, the evaluation of the Turkish modernization and the evaluation of the relationship between politics and people. The main aim throughout the analysis is to define the essential characteristics of the thoughts on those issues and to show at the end of the analysis that all of the characteristics on different issues are interrelated and actually determine each other, which can give us a holistic picture both of the differentiation between Avcıoglu and Küçükömer and on the general condition in the decade. The main claim of the thesis is that: Dogan Avcıoglu tried to develop a power-centered analysis regarding the socio-political structure in Turkey, which left him with a momentary and temporary political strategy. However, İdris Küçükömer tried to develop a people- and society-centered analysis. Therefore, his approach had a forward-looking aspect which can be r
Nationalism and migration: the post-1950 Balkan immigrants from Yugoslavia
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Şen, Bayram.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
This thesis examines the relationship between nationalism, emigration and identity in Turkey in the post- 1950 era. It studies the ways in which the immigrants define their nationality, legitimize their emigration to Turkey. For this reason, it first gives historical background from the secondary resources and memories about the immigration from Balkans to Turkey before the 1950s. This thesis is mainly based on oral history that includes twenty interviewees' daily experiences and narritives boyh in Yugoslavia and then in Turkey. It studies the changing nationalities of Balkan immigrants through the effect of Muslim and Turkish identity. In this manner, immigrants tend to base their nationality dating back to the Ottoman Empire times. Moreover, this study aims to illustrate that although nationalism can be created, it has been materialized by political, historical, economical reason, this thesis claims that it is not an immiginary entity. As a result, this thesis exanines at first the difficulties of being an immigrant through analyzing the post 1950 Yugoslavian immigrants' experiences. At second, it studies the relations between Balkan identities with Turkish nationalism. It considers Balkan identies under the concept of being from Turkey. In the same manner, this thesis contributes to the literature throgh giving the example of Balkan people within the framework of the immigration to Turkey and the constitution of national identity in Turkey.
Implementation of land and agricultural reform law no. 1757 in Urfa (1960-1980)
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Bilgen, Bahar.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
This thesis focuses on the implementation period of Land and Agricultural Reform Law No. 1757 in Urfa which was the region of implementation. The law remained in force between 1973-1978. After the application of the Democratic Party to the Constitutional Court, the law was abrogated in 1977. The Constitutional Court gave a one-year term to pass a new law; however, there wasn’t any attempt to make a new law. As a result, Law No. 1757 ceased to have force in 1978. Until Law No. 3083 the Agricultural Reform Law on Land Arrangement in Irrigation Regions inured in 1984, several articles of the Law No. 1757 remained in force. Law No. 1757 was implemented in a very restricted way; nevertheless, it had drastic effects in Urfa. This law was a very flexible law that it may create a transformative effect in the region of implementation depending on the interpretation of certain articles related to expropriation and types of enterprises. On the other hand, it contained certain articles that allowed large land owners to compensate their loss or even avoid the expropriation process. In this respect, the success of the implementation very much depended on the government. The main questions of the thesis are that what kinds of effects the implementation of land reform had both on landless peasants and land owners and what their reactions were to being included in the process. The land reform had to be perceived as an implementation that might facilitate egalitarian social structure in a geography where not much industrial employment opportunities were provided and where serious inequalities were observed in land dispersion.
Vanishing memoirs: Doğan Kardeş children's periodical between 1945 and 1993
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Arzuk, Deniz.; Köksal, Duygu.
This study aims to carry out a descriptive and a textual analysis of Doğan Kardeş children’s periodical, which is one of the best-remembered icons of Turkey’s popular culture. The periodical was published between 1945 and 1993 under the auspices of the Yapı ve Kredi Bank. Along with the 1247 issues of the periodical, Doğan Kardeş also published more than 250 children’s books. Although Doğan Kardeş no longer survives, Yapı Kredi Yayınları has continued to publish children’s books under the title of Doğan Kardeş Kitaplığı since 1990. Using the periodical as the primary source, this study attempts to define the three meanings of Doğan Kardeş, as a project of its creators, as a legend of children’s culture, and as a lieu de memoire. First of all, Doğan Kardeş was a project of its creators: the Yapı ve Kredi Bank, Kazım Taşkent and Vedat Nedim Tör; the institute, the bourgeois and the intellectual. Although the periodical changed throughout the decades, a certain set of values remained underneath. This was a humanist, democratic project that tended to determine the life style and mentality of the new middle and upper classes. Secondly, Doğan Kardeş was a part of children’s culture. It can be concluded that the perception of childhood from the said perspective of modernity shaped Doğan Kardeş’s attitude towards children. The children loved that attitude, and they embraced Doğan Kardeş. And lastly, Doğan Kardeş is a realm of collective memory. And by its analysis, this study hopes to apprehend the dynamics of rememberance and the erasure of a memory that has been constantly reset.
Three cases of worker mobilization in contemporary Turkey
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Birelma, Alpkan.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
This thesis examines three cases of contemporary worker mobilizations with the aim of unionization in Turkey. Special emphasis is devoted to the investigation of the participant workers’ experiences and agency. It is argued that there is an ever-present temptation to objectify and distance the working class due to the unequal power relations in our global society. Thanks to the rise of neo-liberalism at the ideological level and the concomitant rise of post-fordism, this temptation has become even stronger, in line with the fact that the extent of the rule of the capital has strengthened itself. Hence workers’ experiences have become degraded, and their agency neglected. The investigation of three mobilizations reveals the particular difficulties the workers faced on the way to unionization due to the legal restrictions and the economic conditions as can be seen in high rates of unemployment and low job security. Emphasis is given to the ways in which workers attempted to overcome the mentioned difficulties by way of workers’ agency. The data consists of observations made during the mobilizations and afterwards, and the detailed interviews with the participants. How those workers perceived and expressed their experiences, as necessarily it is, in cultural terms is especially scrutinized, following E. P. Thompson’s inspiring contributions. This thesis illuminates the workers’ agency, and focuses on the more indigenous worker strategies, cultural practices and active work-group social relations such as the formation of solidarity, cohesion and networks among workers, instead of focusing on the external factors, such as union involvement, or pure economic factors on which conventional works mainly concentrate.
The Marshall Plan in Turkey: a critical evaluation of United States' interests in the plan and its effects on the republic
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Birinci, Burcu.; Pamuk, Şevket, 1950- .
The aim of this thesis is to draw general implementation process of the Marshall Aid in Turkey and show the reasons for and the results of the Marshall Plan related to its implementation policy. What the United States demand from the Marshall Plan and from it’s highway policy and how it affected Turkey’s economic and social development process gave the direction to the study. In this context, the paper analyses the position of the United States in the period, the theoretical support of the Marshall Plan, modernization theory, the first aid package of the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan implementation in several sectors, the highway construction policy throughout the Plan, and it’s outlook on the social sphere. The research follows three turning points in the general Marshall Plan process and in its Turkey implementation from focusing on the agricultural development to supporting the defense sector and to making the private sector flourish. Following these transformations, the paper investigates the actors that carried out this project to obtain several benefits for them instead to improve countries as is presented in modernization literature. Sources for the study include Assembly minutes, reports, the national and US archives of this period, newspapers, magazines, and secondary sources. This paper underlines the fact that the Marshall Plan did not convert the whole country into an American satellite without any decision-making process of internal actors; it did not devastate the country instead many benefits were provided in various spheres-; or, it was not a compulsory process but the result of mutual negotiations. This thesis researches thoroughly the immediate benefits of the United States from the projection of such a Plan leaving the internal politics aside.
The National education board conferences and political transition: 1939-1960
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Kılınç, Sarah Carpenter.; Buğra, Ayşe,
This thesis uses the published reports that represent the National Education Board Conferences (Milli Eğitim Şuraları) as a means of exploring both change and continuity in the national system of education during mainly the 1940’s and 1950’s specifically within the context of the political transition between the single-party and multi-party periods. Too often, these Conferences have been utilized as mirrors that simply reflect the most critical issues of education throughout Republican history, while this is an oversight. What this thesis proposes to do is, without assuming that the selected topics of discussion during the Conferences are the most central points of the time, to take a more critical approach towards the character of the Conferences and delve into the details of how the roles, functions, and perceptions of the Conferences evolved within two very dynamic decades. While the contextual portion of the thesis focuses on producing a framework surrounding the general educational developments from the birth of the Republic to the military intervention of 1960 and focusing on the push for a nationalistic system of schooling, the section aiming to be critical examines more specific aspects of the Board Conferences themselves. The following chapters will also briefly analyze the weight of the Board’s advisory role to the Ministry of Education on issues of religion, technical schooling, the Village Institutes, and democracy in education. It will then be argued that while the Board’s suggestions are generally reflected in governmental policy, there are significant cases in which the advice of the Board and laws and regulations do not correspond. Finally, this thesis will demonstrate that while the Conference reports contain a plethora of information that gives valuable insight into the growth of a nation, the entity itself that can and should be analyzed for not only outcomes, but for the behind-the-scenes perspective as well.
The opium problem in Turkey, 1930-1945
(Thesis (M.A.)-Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2007., 2007.) Gürsoy, Özgür Burçak.; Kırlı Cengiz.
This study examines the opium problem in the early Republican Turkey with its political, economic and social aspects. Opium, as an agricultural commodity, conceptually transformed under the hegemony of modernscientific medical discourse with the turn of the twentieth century, and became one that had to be economically, politically and legally restricted and controlled at both international and national levels. Turkey took part in this global change more in the 1930s. The opium was taken under the state monopoly by the new laws issued in 1933 for Turkey’s participation to the international conventions on opium, and by the enactment of these laws, its cultivation was limited, and its foreign trade was regulated and restricted. However, this process was quite tense for a country like Turkey, which was one of the most significant highquality opium producers of the world, and this tension created an “opium problem” for all related actors until World War II. The war conditions both weakened the international control of the opium trafficking and increased the demand for opium. This dual effect was regarded as an opportunity by the Turkish political elites. The solution of the “opium problem,” which continued for almost a decade resulting in many economic and political tensions was found in the weakening the hegemony of the control-supporting approaches and in the abandonment of the restrictions to a great extent. This thesis examines the opium problem in the specified era from the positions of both the Republican governing elites and the opium peasantry. The different approaches to the opium problem led to tensions and rifts among the Republican governing elite. The difference brought out mainly between the ones demanding to procure the necessary revenue for the young Republic from opium and the ones supporting to control opium under the hegemony of medicine, as a part of the world-wide discourse. The latter group was politically influential especially in the post-law period, while the former approach gained more power with the start of the war. For the opium peasantry, the new system arising from the laws led many kinds of problems, and caused the worsening of the economic and social conditions of the peasantry. Many aspects of this negative picture were the targets of the peasantry’s political reactions, resistances, and demands. These reactions were taken into account by the governing elite, and affected the course of governmental practices.
Images and perceptions of fascism among the mainstream Kemalist elite in Turkey, 1931-1943
(Thesis (M. A.) - Bogazici University. Atatürk Institute for Modern Turkish History, 2001., 2001.) Ünver, Cennet.; Karaömerlioğlu, M. Asım.
The image and perception of Italian Fascism and German National Socialism, as it comes to an expression mainly in the official organs of the Republican People's Party, Hakimiyet-i Milliye (Ulus) and Ülkü, and partly in the influential journal Kadro constitutes the subject of this study. The thirteen year period beyween 1931 and 1943, in which the authoritarian character of the single-party regime in Turkey was most evident, is the time frame. The approach to fascist ideology, the topics attracting most attention, and the way some of the core elements in Fascism and National Socialism are described in these sources, is identified in the work, which with a disclaim of undertaking a comparative analysis, still claims to include a comparative aspect. The particular interest in Italian Fascism in the first half of the 1930s, the positive perception of notions such as discipline, organization of the youth, ideological and physical education, the role of leaders, and finally, seen in general, the absence of any critical stance toward the two fascist regimes, are some of the findings which stand out in the examination of the sources. With this different approach to the experience of single-party rule in Turkey, this study brings to attention a new aspect and contributes to the wider debate over the authoritarian nature of the Kemalist regime in the inter-war period.

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